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What Trump’s Comeback May Mean for Africa – Farooq A. Kperogi
A few weeks ago, I spoke at a symposium in my university here in Georgia on the implications of the U.S. presidential election for the African diaspora.
To the bemusement of my audience (who were a mix of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris supporters), I explained the curious phenomenon of African support for Donald Trump, particularly among Nigerian and Kenyan evangelicals.
I described how a surprising number of African Christians (and, in fact, some Muslims) consider Trump “God’s chosen one,” a valiant defender of conservative religious values whom they imagine will take on global LGBTQ rights with righteous vengeance.
The audience was incredulous and struggled to reconcile Trump’s infamous moral transgressions with his appeal to African conservatives. When I explained that these supporters see Trump as a warrior against the “cultural liberalism” they believe threatens their faith, eyebrows raised.
The eyebrows raised even further when I pointed out that there are Muslims who are so disillusioned with the Biden/Harris administration’s support for Israel that they prayed for a Trump win even when Trump is more manifestly hawkish than Biden/Harris and so disdains Muslims that he enacted a “Muslim ban” (which actually included non-Muslims) within the first few months of his first presidency.
But here’s the crux: Donald Trump is no more interested in religious morality than he is in the theological reveries of his African fan base. He is, in truth, a transactional man, a walking paradox of deals and calculations, utterly bereft of the very spiritual or moral foundation his African supporters so naively project onto him.
Trump’s “faith” such as it is, is at best a performance, an asset to be deployed for strategic gains among America’s own conservative Christians, whom he has calculatedly courted for votes. To imagine Trump as the champion of conservative religious values is to mistake calculation for conviction and propaganda for principle.
His record speaks louder than his rhetoric. In 2015, for example, at a gathering of conservative Christians in Iowa, he openly admitted he never asks God for forgiveness, a theological anathema for any believer.
Later, on the campaign trail, he betrayed his biblical unfamiliarity, when he clumsily referred to “Two Corinthians” rather than the more common “Second Corinthians.” A slip of the tongue, perhaps, but in a subsequent interview, he tried to salvage his Christian credibility but ended up quoting a verse that doesn’t even exist: “Never bend to envy,” he offered, an adage Christians say is found nowhere in the Bible.
Even when cornered about his favorite Bible verse, he misfired by citing “an eye for an eye,” a command Jesus explicitly repudiated. These are not the errors of a deeply religious man but the floundering of someone who considers faith a tool, not a calling.
Two Trump biographers sum up his attitude to Christianity and God nicely. Timothy O’Brien, in a 2007 book titled TrumpNation: The Art of Being Donald, wrote: “Donald has never been a spiritually or religiously serious person.”
And in 2001 book titled The Trumps: Three Generations That Built an Empire (which was revised and reissued as The Trumps: Three Generations of Builders and a President), Gwenda Blair wrote: “He’s a transactional guy with humans, and it’s no different with God — it’s all about whatever is to his advantage with regard to his supporters, and referencing God is exactly and only that.”
Yet for all his transparent artifice, Trump has nonetheless cast a beguiling spell on certain parts of Africa and the African diaspora, who see in him a savior of conservative values.
They seem unfazed by the fact that his administration’s policies, his rhetoric, and his track record show little regard for Black humanity.
This disdain was palpable during his last tenure, and his recent rallies have done nothing to dispel it. Take, for instance, his unfounded claim during the first and only presidential debate that Black Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, were eating cats and dogs, a baseless assertion that isn’t just false but revelatory: it reveals a mind committed to degrading Blackness wherever he sees it.
There’s a dark and disheartening history here. Trump’s disdain for Black people isn’t new, nor has it emerged from thin air. His bigotry is old news, woven through an embroidery of disparaging comments, discriminatory practices, and racially motivated policies dating back decades.
In 1973, the Department of Justice sued Trump for refusing to rent apartments to Black families, citing his blatant violation of the Fair Housing Act. He fought the case before reluctantly signing an agreement to stop his racist practices.
His remarks afterward? He railed that the government was forcing him to rent to “welfare recipients,” the vile code by which he aligned poverty with Blackness. The sentiment was clear: in his mind, Black people didn’t belong, and it was his duty to keep them out.
Such is Trump’s enduring perspective, made all the more alarming by his political ascendance. The implications of his return for Africa are both direct and symbolic. During his previous presidency, Trump cut aid programs that many African countries rely on and dismissed African immigrants as a detriment to American society.
His rhetoric went beyond mere words; his policies made a statement, a policy posture that informed his supporters, shaped the broader narrative around Black immigration, and foreshadowed his now-infamous “shithole countries” comment in 2018.
When Trump disparaged Haiti, Nigeria, and other Black-majority nations in favor of immigration from Norway, it wasn’t just a one-off gaffe; it was a worldview rooted in negrophobic disdain.
In truth, Trump has never reckoned with the humanity of Black people. Even before his “shithole countries” remark, he lambasted a Black accountant in 1991, citing “laziness as a trait in Blacks.”
Years later, during his 2016 campaign, he praised Ann Coulter’s venomously xenophobic book, which decried the arrival of Nigerians in the United States as a criminal invasion.
His decision to block the appointment of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a Nigerian-American, to lead the World Trade Organization in 2020, was yet another evidence to his disregard for Black excellence—American citizenship or no.
This is not a man whose opinions have been shaped by reasoned disagreement but by ingrained prejudice and an unwavering belief that Black lives, both within and outside of America, are lesser. Such a man at the helm of one of the world’s most powerful nations isn’t just a potential diplomatic nightmare; it’s a moral catastrophe for those who value the dignity of human life.
For Africa, the implications of a Trump resurgence are manifold. His approach to immigration alone could lead to increased restrictions on Africans seeking opportunity or refuge in the United States.
His contempt for Africans doesn’t only taint those who seek to immigrate but extends to those who remain. His willingness to denigrate entire nations with his vile language reinforces a global view of Africa as “the other,” a place he deemed too backward to deserve respect or dignify.
But Trump’s leadership affects more than just immigration.
His previous administration gutted health programs that African nations relied on to tackle AIDS, malaria, and other epidemics. His withdrawal from multilateral agreements and climate initiatives destabilized African countries that disproportionately suffer from the effects of global warming and benefit the least from its economic causes.
Africa is neither immune to nor shielded from Trump’s reign.
From economic pressures to ideological disrespect, his contempt manifests as policies that undermine progress and sow the seeds of isolationism.
For Africans, Trump’s victory isn’t just a foreign policy issue; it’s a personal affront. It’s a slap in the face to the millions of Africans who know America as a country that historically symbolized freedom, opportunity, and hope.
Africa’s bond with the United States transcends politics; it is the memory of independence movements supported by the promise of democracy, the aspiration for economic opportunity, and the reverence for cultural exchange. Trump’s worldview, with its utter disregard for Black humanity, threatens to erode this bond, leaving in its wake a continent left to question its ties with the West.
The challenge before Africa is to use this moment as an opportunity for unity and self-determination.
Trump’s contempt is an ugly mirror, a stark reminder that Africa cannot rely on foreign validation. Leaders and citizens alike must demand dignity, both in their interactions with the United States and in their own national narratives.
The message should be clear: Africa is neither a pawn nor a supplicant. It is a continent rich in resources, diversity, and human potential, undeserving of the scorn Trump so freely dispenses.
Trump’s victory may symbolize a return to darkness, but it is also an opportunity to galvanize resilience. Africa need not waste energy on a man who cannot see beyond his prejudice; instead, it should look to the future with resolve.
Africa’s destiny lies not in the hands of a foreign leader, and certainly not in one so blind to its humanity. Let his disdain be a rallying cry, not for despair, but for Africa to rise on its own terms.
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Just In: Dangote Refinery Announces Petrol, Diesel Price Reduction
The Dangote Petroleum Refinery officially reduced its gantry prices for petrol (PMS) and diesel (AGO) following a series of price hikes earlier in the week.
According to a new pricing template released by the refinery on March 10, 2026, the gantry price of petrol has been reduced by N100, dropping from N1,175 to N1,075 per litre.
The refinery also stated that the price of PMS for coastal supply will now be N1,050 per litre. The difference in price reflects additional costs linked to maritime distribution.
Similarly, the price of Automotive Gas Oil (diesel) has been reduced to N1,430 per litre at the gantry, down from the previous N1,620 per litre. This represents a decrease of N190 per litre.
The refinery noted that these gantry prices do not include regulatory charges from the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA).
Meanwhile, JomogNews earlier reported on Monday that Dangote Petroleum Refinery raised its gantry PMS price to N1,175 per litre — the third upward adjustment in seven days
The refinery communicated the new ex-depot price to marketers and depot operators, up ₦180 from the N995 per litre announced last week Friday, an 18.1 per cent increase in three days.
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Drama At Rivers Assembly Over Nominee’s ‘I don’t pay tax’ Statement
A video circulating online has captured a tense moment during the screening of commissioner nominees submitted by Governor Siminalayi Fubara to the Rivers State House of Assembly.
The footage seen shows the Speaker of the Assembly, Martin Amaewhule, questioning one of the nominees, Charity Deemua, over the status of her tax clearance certificate.
During the screening of commissioner nominees, the Rivers State House of Assembly rejected nominee Charity Deemua after she claimed that as a politician, she did not pay taxes.
Speaker Martin Amaewhule and other lawmakers expressed shock at the statement, leading to the rejection of her nomination along with three others due to lack of tax compliance.
During the screening session, Amaewhule pointed out that the nominee’s tax clearance appeared outdated.
“I just wanted to know, so there’s no current tax clearance. Madam has not been paying tax since 2018. I just wanted to know if she’s been exempted from paying taxes. So let her tell us now,” the Speaker said.
Responding, Deemua explained that she had not had a steady source of income in recent years.
“Like I said before, I’m a politician, I don’t have work,” she stated.
When asked to clarify her employment history, Deemua told the lawmakers that she had previously served briefly in government.
“I was a member, a commissioner in the Rivers State House of Assembly Service Commission,” she said.
Amaewhule then pressed further about her role in a local government caretaker committee.
“When were you? Hold on… local government caretaker committee member, right?” the Speaker asked.
“I was just three months there,” Deemua replied.
“When? When was that?” Amaewhule asked.
“And I think November last year,” she responded.
“November when? What year?” the Speaker asked again.
“2025,” she answered.
The Speaker then questioned whether she earned income during that period.
“You were not paid salary? Were you not paid salary?” Amaewhule asked.
“In the caretaker committee, we were paid,” Deemua admitted.
“You were paid? Yes. Is that not income? But you said you have not had any income from 2018 to date as a politician. So no tax clearance, and that’s what you are telling Rivers people. Madam, that is not nice. You are misleading the 10th Rivers State House of Assembly,” Amaewhule said.
In response, Deemua apologised and suggested she could address the issue.
“I’m sorry, Mr. Speaker. But I think I can still go back for…,” she began before being interrupted.
“No, but you say you have not had any income now,” Amaewhule replied before moving on to the next nominee.
The video of the exchange has since drawn reactions online, with many Nigerians asking that if politicians say they don’t work, what exactly are taxpayers paying for.
See video:
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Aiyedatiwa Loses Legal Bid To Stop Amendment Of Re-election Suit
The Court of Appeal in Abuja has dismissed Governor Lucky Aiyedatiwa’s appeal against a Federal High Court ruling in Akure that allowed Dr. Akindele Egbuwalo to amend a suit questioning the governor’s eligibility to run in 2028.
The suit seeks to clarify if Aiyedatiwa, having been sworn in twice already, is constitutionally barred from seeking another term.
In a unanimous judgment delivered by a three-member panel, the appellate court held that the trial court properly exercised its discretion when it granted an application by the plaintiff, Dr Akindele Egbuwalo, to amend his originating summons in the case.
Egbuwalo, a chieftain of the All Progressives Congress in Ondo State, had filed a suit at the Federal High Court seeking the interpretation of Section 137(3) of the Constitution in respect of the eligibility of Aiyedatiwa and his deputy, Dr Olayide Adelami, to contest for a second term in office.
In a ruling on November 24, 2025, Justice Toyin Adegoke of the Federal High Court in Akure granted the plaintiff’s request to amend the originating processes.
Dissatisfied with the ruling, Aiyedatiwa lodged an appeal, alleging a breach of his constitutional right to a fair hearing.
He claimed the trial judge acted ultra vires her powers and wrongly assumed jurisdiction.
Owing to Aiyedatiwa’s contentions, the Court of Appeal in Akure, where the matter was initially lodged, directed the high court to halt proceedings, which were already slated for judgment.
The case was later transferred to the Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal.
Reading the lead judgment on Monday, Justice Uchechukwu Onyemenam ruled that Aiyedatiwa failed to show that the Federal High Court’s decision to allow the amendment occasioned any miscarriage of justice or denied him the right to a fair hearing.
The appellate court, therefore, dismissed the appeal for lacking merit and awarded N2m in costs against the governor.
The ruling affirmed the November 24, 2025, decision of the Federal High Court in Akure, which granted Egbuwalo leave to amend the originating summons in his suit challenging Aiyedatiwa’s eligibility for re-election.
Earlier in the proceedings, the Court of Appeal also dismissed an application filed by Aiyedatiwa, seeking to set aside an order it made on January 27, 2026, staying further proceedings in the suit before the Federal High Court.
The court held that the stay of proceedings did not amount to arresting the judgment of the trial court but was a lawful exercise of the appellate court’s jurisdiction aimed at protecting the integrity of its proceedings.
According to the court, the appeal had already been entered, records compiled, and briefs filed as of the time the order was made.
The panel further held that the order was necessary to preserve the res in the matter and prevent the appellate proceedings from being rendered nugatory.
It added that asking the Court of Appeal to set aside the order it validly made on January 27, 2026, would amount to inviting the court to sit on appeal over its own decision.
The court noted that the option available to the governor was to challenge the decision before the Supreme Court.
The panel subsequently ordered Aiyedatiwa to pay an additional N2 million in costs.
The Chief Press Secretary to the Governor, Mr Ebenezer Adeniyan, speaking with The PUNCH, said the judgment of the appellate court was not the main case of the eligibility of Aiyedatiwa to contest the 2028 governorship election at the Federal High Court, Akure.
Adeniyan said the case was still pending in the lower court.
“The main case is still in court. This was just an appeal on an amendment to the main case,” he said.
Aiyedatiwa was first sworn in on December 27, 2024, to complete the tenure of the late Governor Oluwarotimi Akeredolu.
He was subsequently inaugurated for a second time on February 24, 2025, following his victory in the governorship election held on November 16, 2024.
Although Aiyedatiwa has yet to indicate interest in running again, Egbuwalo approached the court in July 2025, insisting that Aiyedatiwa was not eligible to recontest in 2028, having already taken the oath of office twice.
The litigant sought an interpretation of Section 137(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) regarding Aiyedatiwa’s eligibility to run for governor again.
Section 137(3) provides that a person sworn in as president to complete the term for which another person was elected shall only be elected to such office for a maximum of one additional term.
Meanwhile, Section 182(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended) stipulates that any person sworn in as governor to complete the term of another elected official is disqualified from being elected to the same office for more than a single term.
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