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BREAKING: Buhari Signs Electoral Amendment Bill Into Law

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President Muhammadu Buhari has signed the Electoral Act Amendment Bill 2022 into law. He signed the Bill at the Council Chamber of the Presidential Villa in Abuja, on Friday.

It was witnessed by Vice President Yemi Osibanjo; Senate President Ahmad Lawan and Speaker Femi Gbajabiamiala among other dignitaries.

The assent is coming a few days after a coalition of civil society organisations staged a protest to compel the president to assent to the amended document.

On January 31, 2022, the National Assembly transmitted the reworked amendment bill to the President for assent.

Buhari consequently forwarded it to the Minister of Justice and Attorney General of the Federation, Abubakar Malami (SAN), for legal advice.

In his address, President Buhari said in line with established tradition, he received inputs from relevant ministries, departments and agencies of government after careful and thorough reviews of the Bill and its implications to democratic processes in Nigeria.

He said, “It is gratifying to note that the current Bill comes with a great deal of improvement from the previous Electoral Bill 2021. There are salient and praiseworthy provisions that could positively revolutionize elections in Nigeria through the introduction of new technological innovations. These innovations would guarantee the constitutional rights of citizens to vote and to do so effectively.

“The Bill would also improve and engender clarity, effectiveness and transparency of the election process, as well as reduce to the barest minimum incidences of acrimony arising from dissatisfied candidates and political parties.

“These commendable efforts are in line with our policy to bequeath posterity and landmark legal framework that paves the way for credible and sound electoral process that we would all be proud of.

“Distinguished Senators and Honourable Members of the National Assembly, from the review it is my perspective that the substance of the Bill is both reformative and progressive. I am making this bold declaration because I foresee the great potentials of the Bill. Worthy of note include the democratic efficacy of the Bill with particular reference to sections 3, 9(2), 34, 41, 47, 84(9), (10) and (11) among others.

“This, however, cannot be said about one provision as contained in the proposed Bill, which provision constitutes fundamental defect, as it is in conflict with extant constitutional provisions.

“Section 84 (12) constitutes a disenfranchisement of serving political office holders from voting or being voted for at Conventions or Congresses of any political party, for the purpose of the nomination of candidates for any election in cases where it holds earlier than 30 days to the National Election. The section provides as follows: “No political appointee at any level shall be voting delegate or be voted for at the Convention or Congress of any political party for the purpose of the nomination of candidates for any election”.

“This provision has introduced qualification and disqualification criteria that ultra vires the Constitution by way of importing blanket restriction and disqualification to serving political office holders of which they are constitutionally accorded protection.

“The practical application of section 84(12) of the Electoral Bill, 2022 will, if assented to, by operation of law, subject serving political office holders to inhibitions and restrictions referred to under section 40 and 42 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended).

“It is imperative to note that the only constitutional expectation placed on serving political office holders that qualify, by extension as public officers within the context of the constitution is resignation, withdrawal or retirement at least 30 days before the date of the election.

“Hence, it will be stretching things beyond the constitutional limit to import extraneous restriction into the constitution on account of practical application of section 84(12) of the bill where political parties’ conventions and congresses were to hold earlier than 30 days to the election.

“Arising from the foregoing, with particular regards to the benefits of the Bill, industry, time, resources and energy committed in its passage, I hereby assent to the Bill and request the Nationally Assembly to consider immediate amendments that will bring the Bill in tune with constitutionality by way of deleting section 84(12) accordingly.”

 

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Corruption Battle: Dangote Drags Ex-NMDPRA Boss To EFCC After ICPC Withdrawal

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Aliko Dangote, Chairman of Dangote Industries, through his legal representative, has formally submitted a corruption petition to the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) against Farouk Ahmed, the former Chief Executive Officer of the Nigerian Midstream and Downstream Petroleum Regulatory Authority (NMDPRA).

 

This was disclosed in a statement made available to our correspondent by the Dangote Group media team on Friday.

 

Recall that Dangote had earlier petitioned the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission to investigate Ahmed for allegedly spending $5 million on his children’s secondary education in Switzerland. He withdrew the petition a few days ago, even as the ICPC vowed to continue with its investigation.

 

The statement on Friday said Dangote’s petition to the EFCC followed “The withdrawal of the same petition from the Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission, a strategic decision aimed at accelerating the prosecution process.”

 

In the petition, signed by Lead Counsel Dr O.J. Onoja, Dangote urged the EFCC to investigate allegations of abuse of office and corrupt enrichment against Ahmed, and to prosecute him if found culpable.

 

The petition further stated that Dangote would provide evidence to substantiate claims of financial misconduct and impunity.

 

“We make bold to state that the commission is strategically positioned, along with sister agencies, to prosecute financial crimes and corruption-related offences, and upon establishing a prima facie case, the courts do not hesitate to punish offenders. See Lawan v. F.R.N (2024) 12 NWLR (Pt. 1953) 501 and Shema v. F.R.N. (2018) 9 NWLR (Pt.1624) 337,” the petition read.

 

Onoja further urged the commission, under the leadership of Mr Olanipekun Olukoyede, “To investigate the complaint of abuse of office and corruption against Engr. Farouk Ahmed and to accordingly prosecute him if found wanting.”

 

 

 

 

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Rivers Assembly Reopens Impeachment Push Against Gov. Fubara, Deputy

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The Rivers State House of Assembly formally recommenced impeachment proceedings against Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his deputy, Prof. Ngozi Odu.

 

This marks the second time within ten months that the state legislature has initiated such a move.

 

At a plenary session presided over by the Speaker, Martins Amaewhule, the Majority Leader of the House, Major Jack, formally read the notice detailing allegations of gross misconduct against Governor Fubara.

 

The notice, which was endorsed by 26 lawmakers, accused the governor of actions allegedly in violation of the Nigerian Constitution.

 

Amaewhule announced that the notice would be served on the governor within the next seven days.

 

During the same sitting, the Deputy Majority Leader, Linda Stewart, read the notice of allegations and gross misconduct leveled against Deputy Governor Ngozi Oduh.

 

 

 

 

 

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Supreme Court: President Has Power To Declare Emergency Rule, Remove Elected Officials

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The Supreme Court has reaffirmed that the President holds the constitutional power to declare a state of emergency in any state where circumstances threaten public safety or governance.

According to the ruling, this authority may be exercised to prevent a serious breakdown of law and order or to stop conditions from deteriorating into chaos or anarchy.

The court emphasized that such powers are intended to safeguard national stability and ensure the continued functioning of democratic institutions when extraordinary situations arise.

It noted that emergency measures are justified only in exceptional cases where normal governance mechanisms are unable to effectively address escalating crises.

More details later…

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