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What Trump’s Comeback May Mean for Africa – Farooq A. Kperogi

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A few weeks ago, I spoke at a symposium in my university here in Georgia on the implications of the U.S. presidential election for the African diaspora.

To the bemusement of my audience (who were a mix of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris supporters), I explained the curious phenomenon of African support for Donald Trump, particularly among Nigerian and Kenyan evangelicals.

I described how a surprising number of African Christians (and, in fact, some Muslims) consider Trump “God’s chosen one,” a valiant defender of conservative religious values whom they imagine will take on global LGBTQ rights with righteous vengeance.

The audience was incredulous and struggled to reconcile Trump’s infamous moral transgressions with his appeal to African conservatives. When I explained that these supporters see Trump as a warrior against the “cultural liberalism” they believe threatens their faith, eyebrows raised.

The eyebrows raised even further when I pointed out that there are Muslims who are so disillusioned with the Biden/Harris administration’s support for Israel that they prayed for a Trump win even when Trump is more manifestly hawkish than Biden/Harris and so disdains Muslims that he enacted a “Muslim ban” (which actually included non-Muslims) within the first few months of his first presidency.

But here’s the crux: Donald Trump is no more interested in religious morality than he is in the theological reveries of his African fan base. He is, in truth, a transactional man, a walking paradox of deals and calculations, utterly bereft of the very spiritual or moral foundation his African supporters so naively project onto him.

Trump’s “faith” such as it is, is at best a performance, an asset to be deployed for strategic gains among America’s own conservative Christians, whom he has calculatedly courted for votes. To imagine Trump as the champion of conservative religious values is to mistake calculation for conviction and propaganda for principle.

His record speaks louder than his rhetoric. In 2015, for example, at a gathering of conservative Christians in Iowa, he openly admitted he never asks God for forgiveness, a theological anathema for any believer.

Later, on the campaign trail, he betrayed his biblical unfamiliarity, when he clumsily referred to “Two Corinthians” rather than the more common “Second Corinthians.” A slip of the tongue, perhaps, but in a subsequent interview, he tried to salvage his Christian credibility but ended up quoting a verse that doesn’t even exist: “Never bend to envy,” he offered, an adage Christians say is found nowhere in the Bible.

Even when cornered about his favorite Bible verse, he misfired by citing “an eye for an eye,” a command Jesus explicitly repudiated. These are not the errors of a deeply religious man but the floundering of someone who considers faith a tool, not a calling.

Two Trump biographers sum up his attitude to Christianity and God nicely. Timothy O’Brien, in a 2007 book titled TrumpNation: The Art of Being Donald, wrote: “Donald has never been a spiritually or religiously serious person.”

And in 2001 book titled The Trumps: Three Generations That Built an Empire (which was revised and reissued as The Trumps: Three Generations of Builders and a President), Gwenda Blair wrote: “He’s a transactional guy with humans, and it’s no different with God — it’s all about whatever is to his advantage with regard to his supporters, and referencing God is exactly and only that.”

Yet for all his transparent artifice, Trump has nonetheless cast a beguiling spell on certain parts of Africa and the African diaspora, who see in him a savior of conservative values.

They seem unfazed by the fact that his administration’s policies, his rhetoric, and his track record show little regard for Black humanity.

This disdain was palpable during his last tenure, and his recent rallies have done nothing to dispel it. Take, for instance, his unfounded claim during the first and only presidential debate that Black Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, were eating cats and dogs, a baseless assertion that isn’t just false but revelatory: it reveals a mind committed to degrading Blackness wherever he sees it.

There’s a dark and disheartening history here. Trump’s disdain for Black people isn’t new, nor has it emerged from thin air. His bigotry is old news, woven through an embroidery of disparaging comments, discriminatory practices, and racially motivated policies dating back decades.

In 1973, the Department of Justice sued Trump for refusing to rent apartments to Black families, citing his blatant violation of the Fair Housing Act. He fought the case before reluctantly signing an agreement to stop his racist practices.

His remarks afterward? He railed that the government was forcing him to rent to “welfare recipients,” the vile code by which he aligned poverty with Blackness. The sentiment was clear: in his mind, Black people didn’t belong, and it was his duty to keep them out.

Such is Trump’s enduring perspective, made all the more alarming by his political ascendance. The implications of his return for Africa are both direct and symbolic. During his previous presidency, Trump cut aid programs that many African countries rely on and dismissed African immigrants as a detriment to American society.

His rhetoric went beyond mere words; his policies made a statement, a policy posture that informed his supporters, shaped the broader narrative around Black immigration, and foreshadowed his now-infamous “shithole countries” comment in 2018.

When Trump disparaged Haiti, Nigeria, and other Black-majority nations in favor of immigration from Norway, it wasn’t just a one-off gaffe; it was a worldview rooted in negrophobic disdain.

In truth, Trump has never reckoned with the humanity of Black people. Even before his “shithole countries” remark, he lambasted a Black accountant in 1991, citing “laziness as a trait in Blacks.”

Years later, during his 2016 campaign, he praised Ann Coulter’s venomously xenophobic book, which decried the arrival of Nigerians in the United States as a criminal invasion.

His decision to block the appointment of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a Nigerian-American, to lead the World Trade Organization in 2020, was yet another evidence to his disregard for Black excellence—American citizenship or no.

This is not a man whose opinions have been shaped by reasoned disagreement but by ingrained prejudice and an unwavering belief that Black lives, both within and outside of America, are lesser. Such a man at the helm of one of the world’s most powerful nations isn’t just a potential diplomatic nightmare; it’s a moral catastrophe for those who value the dignity of human life.

For Africa, the implications of a Trump resurgence are manifold. His approach to immigration alone could lead to increased restrictions on Africans seeking opportunity or refuge in the United States.

His contempt for Africans doesn’t only taint those who seek to immigrate but extends to those who remain. His willingness to denigrate entire nations with his vile language reinforces a global view of Africa as “the other,” a place he deemed too backward to deserve respect or dignify.

But Trump’s leadership affects more than just immigration.

His previous administration gutted health programs that African nations relied on to tackle AIDS, malaria, and other epidemics. His withdrawal from multilateral agreements and climate initiatives destabilized African countries that disproportionately suffer from the effects of global warming and benefit the least from its economic causes.

Africa is neither immune to nor shielded from Trump’s reign.

From economic pressures to ideological disrespect, his contempt manifests as policies that undermine progress and sow the seeds of isolationism.

For Africans, Trump’s victory isn’t just a foreign policy issue; it’s a personal affront. It’s a slap in the face to the millions of Africans who know America as a country that historically symbolized freedom, opportunity, and hope.

Africa’s bond with the United States transcends politics; it is the memory of independence movements supported by the promise of democracy, the aspiration for economic opportunity, and the reverence for cultural exchange. Trump’s worldview, with its utter disregard for Black humanity, threatens to erode this bond, leaving in its wake a continent left to question its ties with the West.

The challenge before Africa is to use this moment as an opportunity for unity and self-determination.

Trump’s contempt is an ugly mirror, a stark reminder that Africa cannot rely on foreign validation. Leaders and citizens alike must demand dignity, both in their interactions with the United States and in their own national narratives.

The message should be clear: Africa is neither a pawn nor a supplicant. It is a continent rich in resources, diversity, and human potential, undeserving of the scorn Trump so freely dispenses.

Trump’s victory may symbolize a return to darkness, but it is also an opportunity to galvanize resilience. Africa need not waste energy on a man who cannot see beyond his prejudice; instead, it should look to the future with resolve.

Africa’s destiny lies not in the hands of a foreign leader, and certainly not in one so blind to its humanity. Let his disdain be a rallying cry, not for despair, but for Africa to rise on its own terms.

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How Rivers Women Spread Wrappers For Wike’s Motorcade During Port Harcourt Visit

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The Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Nyesom Wike, on Saturday visited Port Harcourt City Local Government as part of his “thank you” visit across Rivers State.

 

Upon his arrival, a group of women displayed a symbolic gesture of loyalty by spreading their wrappers on the ground for his motorcade.

 

The women and supporters of the Minister were in a jubilant mode as Wike drove on the wrappers.

 

Wike has been going around local governments in the state to appreciate them for their support while reeling out moves ahead of the 2027 general elections.

 

In the course of his visits, the Minister had fired several salvos at political actors in the state, warning that their sudden support for President Bola Tinubu won’t secure them any ticket in 2027.

 

Wike also renewed rivalry with Governor Sim Fubara over the leadership control of the political space in the state.

 

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Impeachment Proceedings Against Fubara, Deputy Still Active – Rivers Assembly

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The Rivers State House of Assembly has officially reaffirmed that the impeachment proceedings against Governor Siminalayi Fubara and his deputy, Prof. Ngozi Odu, are ongoing and have not been suspended.

 

The Assembly said the process is still ongoing and is being conducted strictly in line with constitutional provisions.

 

This was contained in a statement issued on Friday by the Chairman of the House Committee on Information, Petitions and Complaints, Hon. Enemi George.

 

According to the statement, the impeachment process, which began on Thursday, January 8, 2026, remains on course in line with the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (as amended).

 

The lawmakers disclosed that separate notices of allegations bordering on gross misconduct have been served on both the governor and his deputy in line with Section 188 of the Constitution.

 

“The notices of allegations of gross misconduct against the Governor and the Deputy Governor have been duly forwarded to them by the Speaker of the House, Rt. Hon. Martins Amaewhule, and the House is awaiting their responses,” the statement said.

 

The Assembly maintained that it is constitutionally obligated to act in the interest of the rule of law and ensure that no public office holder acts outside legal boundaries.

 

Reacting to reports suggesting that the impeachment move had been halted, the House accused some individuals and media outlets of deliberately spreading misinformation to mislead the public and stir tension between the legislature and Rivers residents.

 

The lawmakers described such reports as false and insisted they would not succumb to intimidation, threats, or blackmail.

 

“We are aware of renewed attempts by certain persons and media platforms to misinform the public by claiming that the impeachment process has been discontinued. The public should disregard such falsehoods, as the process remains active,” the statement added.

 

The Assembly reaffirmed its commitment to democratic principles and constitutional responsibilities, stressing that it would not be distracted by what it termed “cheap propaganda.”

 

It also appreciated the people of Rivers State for their support and prayers amid the ongoing political developments and extended goodwill to Nigerians committed to the nation’s democratic journey.

 

JomogNews reports that during Thursday’s plenary session, presided over by the Speaker, the Majority Leader, Major Jack, formally read the notice of allegations of gross misconduct against Governor Fubara on the floor of the House.

 

 

 

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Your Second Coming Was A Chance To Avoid These Political Mistakes – Fayose To Fubara

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Former Governor of Ekiti State, Ayodele Fayose, says the second coming to office of the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, after the elapsing of the state of emergency should have made him better.

 

Fayose’s remarks come as the Rivers State House of Assembly has initiated impeachment proceedings against Fubara as of January 8, 2026.

Speaking in an interview on ‘Politics Today’, a programme on Channels Television on Friday, Fayose said he was removed as governor and went to exile but became a better person upon his return.

Fayose said that President Bola Tinubu hates ingratitude just like any other person else does.

The former Ekiti governor also dismissed the claim that what is happening in Rivers state is politics taken too far.

According to him, the constitution provides rules of engagement for every politician, stressing that it is when one gets out of the rule that he begins to look for public sympathy.

“The coming back of Governor Fubara should have made him a better person .If you made a mistake the first time, the second time you are not supposed to go through that route.

“Politics is a power game. Nobody solves political game for you. With due respect, let me tell you. Fubara is the one enjoying the office of the governor of Rivers state. It’s not the FCT Minister, Nyesom Wike.

“Some people are saying it’s about Tinubu’s election. No! Because Tinubu’s election will come first, don’t forget that. Both Wike and Fubara will all work for Tinubu. Two weeks after, there will be an election for Rivers state,” he said.

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