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What Trump’s Comeback May Mean for Africa – Farooq A. Kperogi
A few weeks ago, I spoke at a symposium in my university here in Georgia on the implications of the U.S. presidential election for the African diaspora.
To the bemusement of my audience (who were a mix of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris supporters), I explained the curious phenomenon of African support for Donald Trump, particularly among Nigerian and Kenyan evangelicals.
I described how a surprising number of African Christians (and, in fact, some Muslims) consider Trump “God’s chosen one,” a valiant defender of conservative religious values whom they imagine will take on global LGBTQ rights with righteous vengeance.
The audience was incredulous and struggled to reconcile Trump’s infamous moral transgressions with his appeal to African conservatives. When I explained that these supporters see Trump as a warrior against the “cultural liberalism” they believe threatens their faith, eyebrows raised.
The eyebrows raised even further when I pointed out that there are Muslims who are so disillusioned with the Biden/Harris administration’s support for Israel that they prayed for a Trump win even when Trump is more manifestly hawkish than Biden/Harris and so disdains Muslims that he enacted a “Muslim ban” (which actually included non-Muslims) within the first few months of his first presidency.
But here’s the crux: Donald Trump is no more interested in religious morality than he is in the theological reveries of his African fan base. He is, in truth, a transactional man, a walking paradox of deals and calculations, utterly bereft of the very spiritual or moral foundation his African supporters so naively project onto him.
Trump’s “faith” such as it is, is at best a performance, an asset to be deployed for strategic gains among America’s own conservative Christians, whom he has calculatedly courted for votes. To imagine Trump as the champion of conservative religious values is to mistake calculation for conviction and propaganda for principle.
His record speaks louder than his rhetoric. In 2015, for example, at a gathering of conservative Christians in Iowa, he openly admitted he never asks God for forgiveness, a theological anathema for any believer.
Later, on the campaign trail, he betrayed his biblical unfamiliarity, when he clumsily referred to “Two Corinthians” rather than the more common “Second Corinthians.” A slip of the tongue, perhaps, but in a subsequent interview, he tried to salvage his Christian credibility but ended up quoting a verse that doesn’t even exist: “Never bend to envy,” he offered, an adage Christians say is found nowhere in the Bible.
Even when cornered about his favorite Bible verse, he misfired by citing “an eye for an eye,” a command Jesus explicitly repudiated. These are not the errors of a deeply religious man but the floundering of someone who considers faith a tool, not a calling.
Two Trump biographers sum up his attitude to Christianity and God nicely. Timothy O’Brien, in a 2007 book titled TrumpNation: The Art of Being Donald, wrote: “Donald has never been a spiritually or religiously serious person.”
And in 2001 book titled The Trumps: Three Generations That Built an Empire (which was revised and reissued as The Trumps: Three Generations of Builders and a President), Gwenda Blair wrote: “He’s a transactional guy with humans, and it’s no different with God — it’s all about whatever is to his advantage with regard to his supporters, and referencing God is exactly and only that.”
Yet for all his transparent artifice, Trump has nonetheless cast a beguiling spell on certain parts of Africa and the African diaspora, who see in him a savior of conservative values.
They seem unfazed by the fact that his administration’s policies, his rhetoric, and his track record show little regard for Black humanity.
This disdain was palpable during his last tenure, and his recent rallies have done nothing to dispel it. Take, for instance, his unfounded claim during the first and only presidential debate that Black Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, were eating cats and dogs, a baseless assertion that isn’t just false but revelatory: it reveals a mind committed to degrading Blackness wherever he sees it.
There’s a dark and disheartening history here. Trump’s disdain for Black people isn’t new, nor has it emerged from thin air. His bigotry is old news, woven through an embroidery of disparaging comments, discriminatory practices, and racially motivated policies dating back decades.
In 1973, the Department of Justice sued Trump for refusing to rent apartments to Black families, citing his blatant violation of the Fair Housing Act. He fought the case before reluctantly signing an agreement to stop his racist practices.
His remarks afterward? He railed that the government was forcing him to rent to “welfare recipients,” the vile code by which he aligned poverty with Blackness. The sentiment was clear: in his mind, Black people didn’t belong, and it was his duty to keep them out.
Such is Trump’s enduring perspective, made all the more alarming by his political ascendance. The implications of his return for Africa are both direct and symbolic. During his previous presidency, Trump cut aid programs that many African countries rely on and dismissed African immigrants as a detriment to American society.
His rhetoric went beyond mere words; his policies made a statement, a policy posture that informed his supporters, shaped the broader narrative around Black immigration, and foreshadowed his now-infamous “shithole countries” comment in 2018.
When Trump disparaged Haiti, Nigeria, and other Black-majority nations in favor of immigration from Norway, it wasn’t just a one-off gaffe; it was a worldview rooted in negrophobic disdain.
In truth, Trump has never reckoned with the humanity of Black people. Even before his “shithole countries” remark, he lambasted a Black accountant in 1991, citing “laziness as a trait in Blacks.”
Years later, during his 2016 campaign, he praised Ann Coulter’s venomously xenophobic book, which decried the arrival of Nigerians in the United States as a criminal invasion.
His decision to block the appointment of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a Nigerian-American, to lead the World Trade Organization in 2020, was yet another evidence to his disregard for Black excellence—American citizenship or no.
This is not a man whose opinions have been shaped by reasoned disagreement but by ingrained prejudice and an unwavering belief that Black lives, both within and outside of America, are lesser. Such a man at the helm of one of the world’s most powerful nations isn’t just a potential diplomatic nightmare; it’s a moral catastrophe for those who value the dignity of human life.
For Africa, the implications of a Trump resurgence are manifold. His approach to immigration alone could lead to increased restrictions on Africans seeking opportunity or refuge in the United States.
His contempt for Africans doesn’t only taint those who seek to immigrate but extends to those who remain. His willingness to denigrate entire nations with his vile language reinforces a global view of Africa as “the other,” a place he deemed too backward to deserve respect or dignify.
But Trump’s leadership affects more than just immigration.
His previous administration gutted health programs that African nations relied on to tackle AIDS, malaria, and other epidemics. His withdrawal from multilateral agreements and climate initiatives destabilized African countries that disproportionately suffer from the effects of global warming and benefit the least from its economic causes.
Africa is neither immune to nor shielded from Trump’s reign.
From economic pressures to ideological disrespect, his contempt manifests as policies that undermine progress and sow the seeds of isolationism.
For Africans, Trump’s victory isn’t just a foreign policy issue; it’s a personal affront. It’s a slap in the face to the millions of Africans who know America as a country that historically symbolized freedom, opportunity, and hope.
Africa’s bond with the United States transcends politics; it is the memory of independence movements supported by the promise of democracy, the aspiration for economic opportunity, and the reverence for cultural exchange. Trump’s worldview, with its utter disregard for Black humanity, threatens to erode this bond, leaving in its wake a continent left to question its ties with the West.
The challenge before Africa is to use this moment as an opportunity for unity and self-determination.
Trump’s contempt is an ugly mirror, a stark reminder that Africa cannot rely on foreign validation. Leaders and citizens alike must demand dignity, both in their interactions with the United States and in their own national narratives.
The message should be clear: Africa is neither a pawn nor a supplicant. It is a continent rich in resources, diversity, and human potential, undeserving of the scorn Trump so freely dispenses.
Trump’s victory may symbolize a return to darkness, but it is also an opportunity to galvanize resilience. Africa need not waste energy on a man who cannot see beyond his prejudice; instead, it should look to the future with resolve.
Africa’s destiny lies not in the hands of a foreign leader, and certainly not in one so blind to its humanity. Let his disdain be a rallying cry, not for despair, but for Africa to rise on its own terms.
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Ignore Fake February 2 Sit-at-Home Order, IPOB Lawyer Tells South-East Residents
A human rights lawyer and lead counsel for the Indigenous People of Biafra, Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, has urged South-East residents to completely ignore what he described as a “fraudulent” sit-at-home order allegedly scheduled for Monday, February 2, 2026, by a faction of the group.
Recall that the pro-Biafran group, through its spokesman Emma Powerful, had directed a sit-at-home on February 2 across the region in solidarity with traders at the Onitsha Main Market.
Powerful said the total shutdown in Biafraland is a direct, peaceful, and unified response to the actions of Anambra State Governor, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, who ordered the closure of the Onitsha Main Market for one week.
But in a counter statement released on Saturday, Ejiofor said the source behind the directive, operating under the guise of “Emma Powerful,” has been compromised and is acting against the collective interest of Ndi-Igbo.
He insisted that IPOB has formally and decisively distanced itself from the false sit-at-home order and directed Ndi-Igbo to go about their lawful activities without fear.
The statement read in part: “Once again, the well-worn theatre of misinformation has opened its curtains, this time with a particularly lazy script and an insultingly predictable cast.
“Late yesterday, a report was widely circulated alleging that a total lockdown of Ala-Igbo had been ordered under the guise of a sit-at-home directive purportedly issued by ‘Emma Powerful,’ slated for Monday, February 2, 2026.
“Let it be stated clearly, unequivocally, and without ambiguity: this directive is fake, a phantom, a calculated falsehood.
“Upon careful inquiry and diligent verification, especially considering the delicate and hard-won calm presently returning to our homeland, it became glaringly obvious that the so-called ‘Emma Powerful’ platform has been fatally compromised.
“It has been hijacked by vested interests whose business model thrives on fear, disruption, extortion, and the cynical exploitation of vulnerable communities.
“The peaceful global movement of the IPOB has formally and decisively disowned this fabricated publication, categorically distancing itself from the false sit-at-home order and directing Ndi-Igbo to go about their lawful and normal activities without fear.
“Going forward, the message from IPOB is unmistakable: any publication attributed to ‘Emma Powerful’ should be treated with extreme suspicion, if not outright contempt.
“Frankly, one cannot but express astonishment, bordering on disbelief, that at such a critical juncture, when relative peace is cautiously resurfacing in Ala-Igbo, anyone would recklessly circulate information capable of reopening wounds and inviting criminal infiltration.
“History has taught us, at unbearable cost, what happens when fake directives fall into the hands of violent opportunists masquerading as enforcers.
“It is therefore no longer sufficient to merely advise our people to ‘ignore’ publications from this source. The time has come for greater clarity and firmness. The platform known as ‘Emma Powerful,’ in its current corrupted state, has positioned itself as an adversary to Ala-Igbo’s peace, progress, and collective well-being.”
According to Ejiofor, the peaceful global movement must go further by publicly and definitively explaining why this source has become unreliable, compromised, and hostile to the collective interest of Ndi-Igbo. Silence, ambiguity, or polite distancing, he said, only leaves room for further abuse.
“A masquerade that dances with fire should not be mistaken for a messenger of truth,” the statement concluded.
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Joint Task Force Crushes Terrorist Cells In North East, Heavy Weaponry Seized
In recent operations across the North East, troops of the Joint Task Force Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK) have neutralized scores of terrorists and recovered a significant cache of arms and ammunition.
Lieutenant Colonel Sani Uba, Media Information Officer, Headquarters Joint Task Force (North East) in a statement said intelligence has confirmed the killing of JULAIBIB, a top ISWAP commander operating within the Gujba axis of the Timbuktu Triangle, during an encounter around Kimba, Damboa LGA of Borno State, on 30 January 2026.
According to the statement, the elimination of the terrorist leader has thrown ISWAP elements in the area into disarray, with several fighters reportedly neutralised during the operation.
In a related operation, troops of OPHK, working in collaboration with the Civilian Joint Task Force, neutralised 3 terrorists during a well-coordinated ambush between Ngazalgana and Lamusheri communities in Borno State.
It said the operation followed credible intelligence on insurgent movements in the area, as troops laid an ambush along the identified route and engaged the terrorists with effective firepower, resulting in the neutralisation of 3 insurgents, while others fled with gunshot injuries.
The statement said troops recovered two AK-47, adding that the operation forms part of sustained efforts to deny terrorists freedom of movement and degrade their operational capabilities across the Theatre.
It said troops also recorded multiple successes in Adamawa State, adding that on 29 January, 2026, troops responded swiftly to a distress call from Barama community, Mubi North LGA, foiling an armed robbery attempt. Two armed robbery suspects attempting to attack a student of the Federal Polytechnic, Mubi, were arrested. One suspect sustained a gunshot wound to the thigh while attempting to confront the troops and was evacuated to the Federal Medical Centre, Mubi, for treatment.
The suspects were subsequently handed over to the Nigeria Police for further investigation. Items recovered include 3 cutlasses, 2 laptops, 4 mobile phones, and one power bank.
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Appeal Court Affirms Death Sentences for Five Offa Bank Robbery Convicts
The Court of Appeal sitting in Ilorin, Kwara State has affirmed the death sentences passed on five 2018 Offa robbery convicts.
The court dismissed their appeals as lacking merit.
The Director of Public Prosecution (DPP) in the state, Mohammed Akande, who witnessed the proceedings, said that the three Appeal Court judges unanimously agreed on the judgement and affirmed the verdict of the state High Court condemning the five persons to death by hanging.
“The Court of Appeal, Ilorin Division comprising of Hon. Justice Ridwan Maiwada Abdullahi JCA, Hon. Justice Gabriel Kolawole JCA and Hon. Justice Abdul Dogo today, Friday affirmed the judgment of Hon. Justice H. A. Saleeman of the Kwara State High Court, that sentenced the Appellants: Niyi Ogundiran, Salawu Azeez, Ibikunle Ogunleye, Ayoade Akinnibosun and Adeola Abraham to death by hanging for the involvement in the Offa Bank Robbery”.
Another official of the Court also said that the appellate court rejected all the grounds of appeal filed by the convicts and ordered their immediate return to prison custody.
“The court dismissed all their grounds of appeal and upheld their convictions. They have been taken back to prison,” the official said.
The official said that the arguments raised at the Court of Appeal were unconvincing and may not succeed if repeated at the apex court.
It is recalled that Ayoade Akinnibosun, Azeez Salahudeen, Niyi Ogundiran, Ibikunle Ogunleye and Adeola Abraham were convicted of armed robbery, illegal possession of firearms and culpable homicide.
A sixth suspect, Michael Adikwu, a retired police officer, died in custody before the commencement of the trial.
At least 32 people were killed, including nine police officers, two of whom were women, making it one of the deadliest bank robberies in Nigeria’s history.
Justice Haleemah Saleeman of the Kwara State High Court had earlier sentenced the five convicts to death by hanging after a trial that lasted about six years and attracted nationwide attention.
In her judgment, which lasted over four hours, Justice Salman held that the prosecution proved its case beyond reasonable doubt.
She said the convicts “acted contrary to the law and allowed their connections with those in power at the time to lead them astray”.
In addition to the death sentence, the trial court also sentenced them to three years’ imprisonment for illegal possession of firearms, in line with provisions of Nigeria’s penal laws.
Lead prosecution counsel, Rotimi Jacobs (SAN), described the appellate court’s decision as thorough and well considered, despite the prolonged delays that characterised the trial.
On the defence side, Abdullah Jimba, counsel to one of the convicts, said that preparations were underway to pursue a final appeal at the Supreme Court.
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