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Tinubu’s Economic Reforms: Nightmarish Cases from Other Countries – Farooq A. Kperogi

Only people who are alive and healthy use infrastructure. The time to know very little economics and have lots of commonsense is now because the lofty “tomorrow” Tinubu’s IMF economic policies are promising will never come. It never came for countries that implemented similar policies.

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The President Bola Ahmed Tinubu administration likes to psychologically anesthetize Nigerians who are grieving from the hurt of its economic policies (petrol price spike, electricity tariff hike, devaluation of the naira, etc.) by saying Nigerians are only undergoing transitory pains in the service of a forthcoming permanent prosperity.

I have repeatedly called this an intentional lie. I have done so from the benefit of my knowledge of the outcomes of such policies in other countries, including in Nigeria from 1986 to 1993 when Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida implemented a Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) as dictated by the World Bank and the IMF, which is similar to Tinubu’s “reforms.”

I have also made recurrent references in the past to countries that have made progress precisely because they defied the economic template Tinubu is implementing now. I highlight the case of Malaysia in the late 1990s to support my point.
But let’s start with SAP in Nigeria. In 1986, self-described military president Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida was persuaded by the IMF and the World Bank to “restructure and diversify” Nigeria’s economy.

The restructuring and diversification led to the removal of subsidies on petrol (all past regimes called petrol price spikes “subsidy removal”), devaluation of the naira (now it’s known by the fancy term “floating of the naira”), deregulation (that is, allowing market forces to regulate the economy while the government takes the back seat), privatization (i.e., selling off of Nigeria’s national patrimony to a few moneybags), etc.

The immediate aftereffect of this IMF-endorsed “restructuring” (Tinubu calls his “reform”) of the economy was a never-before-seen inflationary conflagration, which eroded the purchasing power of the average Nigerian. It produced widespread hardship similar to what Nigerians are going through at this moment.

Petrol price spike and privatization led to job losses and a deepening of the unemployment crisis. Reduction in government spending, particularly on social services, led to declines in healthcare and education quality. Poverty rates also increased as a direct consequence of the removal of subsidies for fuel and basic services.

I distinctly remember all the rhetorical maneuvers that officials of the IBB regime used to fray nerves, and they are awfully similar to what honchos of the Tinubu regime now use: it will get worse before it gets better, there is light at the end of the tunnel, there is no gain without pain, Nigeria simply can’t afford to fund subsidies, our economy would collapse if we don’t restructure the economy, the current system is unsustainable, we’ll all smile and appreciate the wisdom of this temporary sacrifice when the gains start coming, etc.

By 1993 when IBB left power, Nigeria became firmly secured in the economic toilet. Manufacturing collapsed, social unrest rose, and brain drain (which is now called “japa”) started and blossomed, and hopelessness was democratized.

Someone very close to IBB who nonetheless opposed his IMF-backed economic “restructuring” told me he asked one of IBB’s IMF/World Bank-appointed finance ministers a few years ago what happened to the “gains” they promised would replace the “pains” people underwent between 1986 and 1993?

He reported him as saying the gains didn’t materialize because the “restructuring” wasn’t implemented faithfully. Meanwhile, thousands of people died, and millions of people were destabilized because of this “restructuring.” I can bet that Tinubu and his defenders would give the same excuse when they dig Nigeria deeper into the depths of despair at the end of their “reforms.”

In a 1995 report titled “Structural Adjustment and the Spreading Crisis In Latin America,” we see the same scenario repeated throughout the developing countries of South and Central America. Everywhere subsidies were removed, currency devalued, and so-called market forces given a free reign, the result is always the same: devastation, poverty, hopelessness, death of the middle class, etc.

The report instructively noted: “Mexico is one of many cases worldwide where adjustment and the free market have not only failed to alleviate poverty, but have further polarized the country and led to disaster, economic and social. World Bank and IMF officials continued to say — right up to the current crisis — that adjustment’s attack on poverty would take time, but, after more than a dozen years of adjustment in Mexico, things have never been worse than they are today, and there is no light at the end of the tunnel. There must be a point at which these institutions acknowledge that their strategy has failed and needs to be abandoned, and that a new, more democratically determined approach to the country’s development has to be taken.”

But it’s not inevitable that governments in developing countries should follow the IMF/World Bank’s ruinous prescriptions.

Many countries with leaders who have guts and who care for the welfare of their people resist these institutions. And it often turns out that the only countries that are witnessing inclusive growth and development are countries that have chosen to depart from the hell-paved path created by the IMF and the World Bank.

For example, in 1997, when Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, and South Korea faced economic headwinds and turned to the IMF and the World Bank for financial bailout, they were offered help with the usual conditionalities attached: budget cuts, subsidy removal, currency devaluation, etc.

Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed rejected the conditions. He said they would choke off economic growth, bankrupt companies, and cause massive unemployment in his country. So, he went counter to the counsel of the IMF. Instead of budget cuts, he increased government spending. Instead of currency devaluation, he defended the ringgit, Malaysia’s currency, by fixing it to the US dollar. Malaysia recovered from the economic crisis faster than its IMF-obedient neighbors.

During “A Meeting of Minds” dialogue organized by Forbes magazine in 2009, the magazine’s chief executive officer and editor-in-chief, Steve Forbes, asked Mahathir how and why he bucked the IMF and did better than countries that slavishly obeyed it.

“Fortunately, I am not a financier,” he said. “I know very little about economics, so I do things which are not quite off props.

When people tell me that the right way to handle a crisis like that is to obey the IMF and the World Bank, I thought otherwise. I actually examined their prescriptions, and I found that those prescriptions would actually make matters worse, so I didn’t see why I should be following them.”

I am glad Mahathir attributed his success in standing up to the IMF to his not being a financier and knowing “very little about economics.” It’s as if he was talking about Nigeria’s gaggle of slavish, brain-dead, self-impressed, IMF-controlled know-things who pass themselves off as “economic experts” and who have popularized the aggravating idiocy that subsidies are bad and must be removed because they are supposedly bad for the economy and don’t benefit the poor.

Now we know the truth. We need more people who “know very little about economics” and a lot about commonsense to make economic decisions for Nigeria.

The questions people with lots of common sense and very little knowledge of “economics” should ask are, what does it profit a national economy if a government increases the cost of production for manufacturing companies through sharp spikes in the cost of petrol and electricity?

What benefits does a country derive from a policy that causes mass pauperization, which ensures that everyday citizens can’t afford the basic things of life, not to talk of discretionary spending? Recession kicks in when people have no money to spend.

How does a country get light at the end of the tunnel when its policies trigger inflation and a once-in-a-generation cost-of-living crisis because it devalued its currency under the instruction of far-flung economic institutions notorious for instigating mass misery in developing countries and that are concerned more for “their loans, not on growth,” as Mahathir once put it?

How can a country surrender its economic sovereignty to a foreign entity and tell its citizens to expect a bumper harvest in an undefined future?

The only benefit of the ongoing “economic reforms,” according to Tinubu and his officials, is that it is bringing in more money for the government. And what does the government do with the money? Fritter it away in frivolities while people starve and die.

Even if the money will be used to build or renew infrastructure—we all know it won’t—if this is achieved at the expense of pauperizing the great majority of our people, it is still worthless.

Only people who are alive and healthy use infrastructure. The time to know very little economics and have lots of commonsense is now because the lofty “tomorrow” Tinubu’s IMF economic policies are promising will never come. It never came for countries that implemented similar policies.

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I Have Delivered On Yahaya Bello Prosecution Promise — EFCC Chairman Olukoyede

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EFCC Chairman, Ola Olukoyede has declared that he has fulfilled his 2024 promise to oversee the prosecution of former Kogi State Governor Yahaya Bello.

Addressing public questions regarding his previous vow to resign if Bello was not prosecuted, Olukoyede stated during an interview on Sunday Politics aired by Channels Television that his mandate to investigate and bring the matter to court has been achieved.

“A sitting governor, because he knew he was about to leave office, moved money directly from government to a bureau de change and used it to pay his child’s school fees in advance $720,000,” Olukoyede said.

He described the alleged action as disturbing, particularly in view of the economic condition of Kogi State.

“In a poor state like Kogi, you want me to close my eyes to that under the excuse that I am being used? Being used by who at this stage of my life?” he asked.

Olukoyede also recalled a public statement he made in April 2024, when he vowed to resign if Bello was not prosecuted.

“If I do not personally oversee the completion of the investigation regarding Yahaya Bello, I will tender my resignation as the chairman of the EFCC,” he had said.

Addressing public concerns over the pace of the case, the EFCC chairman said the commission had fulfilled its responsibility and that the matter is now before the courts.

“Have I not fulfilled that promise? Is Yahaya Bello not being prosecuted? The case is in court,” he said.

He stressed that the EFCC’s role is to investigate and prosecute, not to determine guilt or secure convictions.

“I have three cases against Yahaya Bello. Am I the judge who will decide conviction? I have done my work and fulfilled my mandate,” Olukoyede added.

Bello is currently facing multiple charges before different courts. He is standing trial on a 16-count charge involving alleged property fraud amounting to N110 billion, alongside Umar Oricha and Abdulsalami Hudu.

In a separate case before the Federal High Court, the former governor is also facing a 19-count charge bordering on alleged fraud and money laundering involving N80.2 billion.

The EFCC had earlier declared Bello wanted in April 2024 over alleged financial crimes estimated at about N80 billion, a development that sparked widespread political debate.

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Atiku Issues Stern Warning To Tinubu Govt Over Detention Of Critic Abubakar Musa

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Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar demanded the immediate and unconditional release of Abubakar Salim Musa (known as @AM_Saleeeem on X), a prominent critic of President Bola Tinubu’s administration.

 

Atiku’s statement characterized the arrest as part of a “growing crackdown on dissent” and warned that such repression threatens Nigeria’s democratic future as the nation approaches a critical general election period.

 

Atiku made the call in a statement issued on Monday, following a report by Amnesty International Nigeria on the arrest of the young Nigerian on Sunday, January 11, 2026.

 

“This case is yet another stark example of the repressive nature of the President Bola Tinubu administration, which continues to bare its fangs against dissent, whether expressed through public protests or online criticism,” Atiku said.

 

According to him, Musa’s only offence was his persistent criticism of the worsening security situation in Northern Nigeria and across the country.

 

“Abubakar’s only ‘offense’ was his consistent and legitimate criticism of the deteriorating security situation in Northern Nigeria and across the country,” he stated.

 

Rather than engage with the concerns raised, Atiku said the government resorted to intimidation and prosecution.

 

“Instead of addressing these serious concerns, the government’s response has been to arrest him and subject him to what Amnesty International rightly describes as ‘bogus charges and a sham trial,” he added.

 

The former vice president stressed that Musa’s arrest was not an isolated incident, noting that several Nigerians had suffered similar treatment for expressing dissent.

 

“Numerous Nigerians, including journalists, schoolchildren, entertainers and even NYSC members, have faced arrest, assault and intimidation simply for criticising the President or members of his family,” Atiku said.

 

He warned that such actions pose a grave threat to Nigeria’s democratic foundations.

 

“This dangerous trend undermines the very foundations of democracy, which rest on the protection of fundamental human rights and freedom of expression,” he said.

 

Atiku further argued that Nigeria’s democratic credentials were being eroded by the continued repression of critics.

 

“Nigeria cannot claim to be part of the free world while its citizens are routinely arrested, assaulted and intimidated for voicing criticism of their government,” he stated.

 

With general elections approaching, Atiku cautioned against an atmosphere of fear and repression.

 

“As the nation approaches a critical general election, neither the people nor the opposition can operate effectively in an atmosphere of fear and repression,” he warned.

 

He demanded the immediate and unconditional release of Musa and others detained for exercising their constitutional rights.

 

“I call on the Tinubu administration to immediately and unconditionally release Abubakar Salim Musa and all others detained for exercising their constitutional rights,” Atiku said.

 

He also urged the government to halt arbitrary arrests and intimidation, while calling on the international community to intervene.

 

“I urge the international community, particularly countries and organisations that champion democracy and human rights, to hold the Tinubu regime accountable and demand an end to these violations,” he said.

 

Atiku concluded by calling on Nigerians and civil society groups to resist any further erosion of civil liberties.

 

“I encourage fellow patriots, civil society groups and all Nigerians of conscience to join this demand and stand firmly against any further erosion of our freedoms,” he added.

 

 

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Boko Haram Demands $300,000 Ransom For Abducted Borno Ex-LG Chair, Another Victim

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A new video has emerged showing two men reportedly kidnapped by Boko Haram insurgents in Borno State, pleading for assistance to secure their release.

 

One of the captives, former Biu Local Government Area Chairman Hassan Biu Miringa, revealed that their abductors are demanding a $300,000 ransom.

 

Miringa said he and another individual were taken in December 2025 and have remained in the custody of the militants.

 

In the video shared by Zagazola Makama, Miringa introduced himself, saying: “I am Hassan Biu Miringa, former Chairman of Biu Local Government from 2020 to 2022. Four years after my tenure, we were kidnapped by the soldiers of Khilafa about two weeks ago. Alhamdulillah, we are still alive, but we urgently need help to save our lives.”

 

He added that negotiations with the kidnappers had been underway, with some preliminary agreements reportedly reached.

 

“We have engaged them on four separate occasions and reached an understanding. We appeal to our leaders, especially Borno State Deputy Governor Alhaji Usman Umar Kadafur, the National Assembly representative for Biu, Kwaya, and Shani Hon. Betera Aliyu, as well as our community leaders, to temper justice with mercy and assist us. We are their children and have been working together,” Miringa said.

 

He confirmed the ransom demand, explaining that each captive is expected to pay $150,000, totaling $300,000 for their freedom, and pleaded for urgent intervention to reunite with their families.

 

The video highlights ongoing concerns over kidnappings and insecurity in southern Borno State, which have persisted despite government efforts to curb insurgent activity in the region.

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